talking to economists and experts — as well as ordinary people
“do x in order to compete in the global economy”
why is everything we do done for the sake of the world economy
shouldn’t globalization be benefiting us
this way of talking started in the 1980s
what does it mean if globalization works for us?
three steps in the argument
1. markets and govt are complements, not substitutes, they go together
markets work well only when there are strong institutions — you need legal institutions, stabilizing institutions, legitimizing institutions
markets work best when states are strongest
how open the market is to trade — strongly correlated — the most open economies have the strongest governments
2. there is not a single model for market capitalism
not one is better than the other
Japanese model, and then something else
1990s, American financial model
Chinese model
this is a major strength of capitalism — very malleable
no necessary convergence
3. collective decisions regarding institutions
who should be doing the thinking?
through democratic deliberation?
what is the appropriate locus of these decisions?
how are political communities organized?
few global institutions — it’s mainly nation-states
govts saved us from the 2008 financial crisis
conclusion:
since we cannot have global political institutions, we have to limit economic globalization
national democracies matter — there must be variety — national decisions matter
this could go well with a “healthy globalization”
globalization only works if it benefits people economically, socially and politically
better functioning world economy if we give power to the nation-state
Q & A
strong and weak institutions
capital controls — none, or too much
trade — if you want open economies, you need much better social protection
Rodrik’s views have become more mainstream
the problem is not that the nation-state is too strong, it is that it is too weak — by making the nation-state stronger, we make the world economy work better
regulating banks — common around the world — or individual for countries
I want to politicize these issues — they are political and they have to be treated as such
China and India — future tougher for China — India is a democracy
the economic engine will not function as well if it is not a democracy
I would bet on India rather than China
but both value national sovereignty
this could make international institutions more nationalistic — and this might be a good thing
think of a world in which you create traffic rules
democracy and human rights are higher norms
no reason to justify yourself in democracies — our rules reflect the will of the people
non-democracies — more difficult to justify certain labor standards, for example
national debates might also concern the international — there are impacts elsewhere
economic development
lot’s of govts are not concerned — there are many other considerations
it always is a matter of govts making it a key priority
you need to rely on your own resources — not international experts
all success is very context specific
what might work here
always economic growth in relation to local constraints
clear sense of where obstacles to constraints are
you don’t need to do everything at once — any chance will help
looking for the most effective change — perhaps trade barriers — what the obstacle is
do them all one after the other
give incentives to markets — but with strong govts
WTO — new traffic rules
negotiate not just market access, but also policy room for individual countries
different countries regulate in different ways
interfere with capital markets flows — stop undermining each other
there are famous
courses on this at this school – I always try to stay away from it
…
considerable lack of
clarity:
how to
define the concept
many competing
definitions ‘multi-dimensional
concept’ (Held)
how to
measure the concept
is it
increasing or not?
implications
a major
force or not?
a threat or a
promise?
cf. rules of academia:
the importance of coming
up with new concepts that establish your name
cf. earlier debate on
’inter-depedence’
many of the same ideas –
in a different vocabulary
which is
not to say that could scholarship doesn’t take place …
dimensions of the concept
most
generally speaking — ‘global connectedness’
various
activities no longer confined within one state — becoming global
people, corporations,
cultures — all participating together in the same world-wide
system
measure in
various dimensions
much of
this we have discussed already …
trade
more
international trade more trade
dependence higher
percentage of GDP derived from foreigners
manufacturing
more
foreign direct investments
companies treating the world as one country
more dependent on
decisions taken in company headquarters in other countries
technological
factors
new media
satellite
TV — internet
mobile phones
access the world at local rates
reach anyone, anywhere, at any time
migration
more
refugees
especially
in countries in Africa — Asia
more
migration
people are
moving to where the jobs are — especially within the EU
cultural
factors
more global
cultural influences
but
cultural influences in other ways — Indian films popular in West
Africa
standardised
culture
English
language
movies, music
news gathering
food
you never see ‘restaurants’ anymore
except in Italy
critics:
in various
forms
‘nothing
new under the sun’ – denying the newness
ie there
are considerable effects – but it’s happened before
e.g.
compare
trade at the turn of the 20th and 21st century
classical 19th
century imperialism that was
globalisation!
compare contemporary
‘Americanisation’ with the impact of French culture in the 18th
century
or Roman imperialism
for that matter – cf. Asterix!
denying
the impact – the changes aren’t that great
continued
role of the state – there is still a role for traditional politics
companies are trans-
rather than multi-national
cultures and social
systems remain distinct
basic reason –
power still resides in the hands of the same people and the same
states
impact on view of IR
IR
implications
end of the
Westphalian model
end of the neat
“world stage” model
sovereignty etc means
less
domestic
implications
less role
for politics
less role for
democracy
erosion of the
position of the state
forces of convergence:
political,
economic, cultural, social – convergence?
what is it
that makes us all the same? – how does the pressure work?
1. cultural forces:
people come
to hear, see and read the same kinds of material
is it a
good or a bad thing? — both interpretations are possible!
people are sharing
more cultural references –
Canadians
get very worked up about
it worries
others less — the Irish
difficult
to complain about …
we are
doing it to ourselves!
to what
extent is this a force of homogenisation?
people who
eat hamburgers and watch American films are all the same
you are what you eat!
–
you are want you see!
– people who see the same TV shows become the same!
technological
determinism:
society –
and personal life – shaped by technology
using the same
technology we will become increasingly similar
cf. migration
the more
‘mix of peoples’ there will be – the more similar we will
become
cf. the
creation of homogenous nation-states in the 19th century
France etc. – Eugen
Weber
but scepticism:
decoding
TV
programmes will be interpreted differently – cf. Umberto Eco on
commercials in India and the West
now quite clear what
hamburger consumption says about other aspects of society – not
necessarily ‘just like us’
2. economic forces:
economic
determinism:
characteristic
of Marxism – base and superstructure
Marx &
Engels, Communist Manifesto, 1848:
The
bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of
production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication,
draws all, even the most barbarian,
nations into civilization. The cheap prices of its commodities are
the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls,
with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate hatred of
foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on the pain of
extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels
them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e.
to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world
after its ownimage.
Cf. Schumpter:
The
capitalist outlook, starts upon its conqueror’s career
subjugating ― rationalizing ― man’s tools and philosophies,
his medical practice, his picture of the cosmos, his outlook on
life, everything in fact including his concepts of beauty and
justice and his spiritual ambitions.
ie
the economy
has the power to make us all alike
how does it work?
easy to imagine a
number of mechanisms …
a) economic man arguments:
rationalisation
economic
calculations of means and ends
maximisation of
utility
economic goals
institutional
convergence — things that all societies require
financial
institutions
legal institutions
political
institutions — guarantees of property rights etc.
b) globalisation arguments
specific
points …
corporate
take-overs:
making
corporate culture more homogenous
changing
the companies that are taken over
eg. Americans taking
over European companies — forcing them to change
‘hostile
take-overs’ as a cultural issue!
or,
alternatively – demonstration effect
forcing
other companies to conform to a more efficient way of doing things
ie
competition is a force for homogeneity
you are
forced to emulate people/companies more successful than yourself or
you will lose out
cf. Realist argument
– Waltz – regarding the imperatives of states
creating
a ‘favourable business climate’
consequence
of the creation of a global market in production
economic
blackmail by companies:
cf.
Lindblom’s argument about ‘the market as a prison’
‘we’ll move
unless you change your policy’
pre-emptive
actions on the part of the state
in order to
attract foreign companies
competitive
deregulation – race to the bottom
all
countries will eventually converge at the lowest standard – race
to the bottom
cf. Britain –
competing with other low-wage economies
cf, Taiwan —
deciding that they cannot compete with mainland China …
tax
harmonisation
again –
the role of competition
forced to
create a similar business climate
companies –
employees – money – will move to where the taxes are lowest
EU issue –
tax harmonisation
rejected by
Britain – they reserve the right to undercut others
but
will to
some extent happen by itself!
cf. self-balancing
mechanism – those who have too high taxes will get punished!
monetary
policy
consequence
of the creation of a global financial market
global
market for credit
tendency
for interest rates to converge – especially since distance plays
no role
the state is forced
to move interest rates in line with other countries – or there
will be consequences for the exchange rate etc.
takes away freedom in
monetary policy – most obviously in the case of the EU!
fiscal
policy:
eg
government spending on goods and services
traditionally
where all ‘reforms’ take place
countries
still reserve the right to pursue their own fiscal policy
but
spending has to be paid for …
taxes or
borrowing
taxes harmonised – see above – and always difficult to raise anyway since
people don’t want to pay them!
borrowing –
always more of a temptation – ie make others pay!
problems of
borrowing on the international market – forced to play by rules
set by international investors
higher interest rates
charged to governments that stimulate the economy too much — fear
of future inflation – need higher interest rates to compensate
themselves
credit ratings of a
country – make it more difficult to borrow – eg problem in Latin
America (we talked about this last week)
net capital flows have so far not attained the levels of the late
19th century — although gross flows were below
contemporary levels
Niall Ferguson:
external debt/GDP ratios strikingly similar for Russia, India —
1913 — 1997
capital export/GDP — around 5 % in 1913 — today only 2.3
particularly important for countries like Argentina, Canada, etc.
today …
trade much more extensive — many more foreign direct
investments
there is much more of a global financial system
countries are far more monetised — everyone more integrated
communications are quicker — response times are lower
first era — domestic impact of globalization restricted through
trade protectionism — colonial trading preferences, etc. — the
possibility of migration
today — much more pressure for harmonization
2) how to explain?
the stuff we already have discussed …
international trade
technological factors
regulation — deregulation
1) international trade:
far more need for international financial transactions
pay for goods from abroad
more investment abroad — foreign direct investments
find a way of financing
repatriating — recycling — profits
2) technological factors:
satellite communications
far quicker transactions
communications instantaneous from one part of the world to the other
— all of them integrated into one system
continuous trading — Tokyo, London, New York
prices influence each other — markets move in a similar direction
prices and rates even out — a truly global market
internet — for consumers
possible to buy things over the internet
make investments in other countries
especially in combination with credit cards
“disintermediation”
3) regulation — Euromarkets
internationalization of financial markets
Euromarkets
dollars
bonds
unregulated
opened new opportunities for American companies
new opportunities for London — first, international, centre
of finance
cf. Wall Street — basically only served American needs, not
international ones
general deregulation
1970s uncertain situation — we discussed this last week …
new financial instruments
derivatives — futures, swaps, options
junk bonds — corporate take-overs
increased competition
the logic by which deregulation leads to increasing
internationalization …
deregulation more efficient
easier to finance — less risk
some corporations are given better terms
competitive deregulation
no country can afford not to follow
the more regulated a country is — the more at a disadvantage
e.g. restrictions on capital flows — what if a
company cannot repatriate profits?
3) what are the consequences?
first era of globalization
imperialism — war
hardly issues today …
war:
wars are less likely
at least between European powers — one of the few solid
findings of the social sciences!
new kinds of wars — internal — civil wars — terrorist actions
more difficult blame this on financial globalization
cf. Normal Angell, The Great Illusion, 1913
how should one best think of this issue today?
imperialism:
imperialism disappeared
what is the connection to globalization ― financial or other?
neo-imperialism/colonialism:
meaning influence
cf. Mahathir Mohammad in Malaysia
anti-British — anti-Soros — anti-anything Western
influence
comes with inter-connectedness
not the same as imperialism!
not exercised on the part of one particular country
compare UK and United States
first era — UK — net exporter of capital — makes for more
influence
second era — United States — net importer — makes for less
influence
how fragile is the contemporary international financial system?
trauma of 1997:
many observers question the foundation of the economic development
of the region
exaggerated optimism of investors before 1997 replaced by an equally
exaggerated pessimism
before 1997 there was boom — after 1997 there was gloom
for a while
fear of contagion to the rest of the world
break the optimism of Wall Street — plunge the world into
recession
East Asia — varying impact
Thailand, South Korea usually identified as the origin of the crisis
seriously hurt Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines.
Burma, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Singapore were less affected
mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan escaped more or less unscathed
Japan has had serious economic problems throughout the 1990s, they
had little to do with the events of 1997
causes and consequences of the events of 1997:
why did the crisis occur?
what, if anything, can be done to avoid future events of this kind?
why is it that the consequences were so unevenly distributed between
different countries?
glass analogy
nature/constitution:
some countries have a constitution that makes them more brittle
exposure:
some countries are more exposed to risks than others
events:
some countries go through particularly serious series of events
1. the events of 1997
Thailand, 1997
problem of the exchange rate:
the Thai currency, the bath
pegged to the dollar
the value of the bath was fixed in terms of its value in dollars
advantage
buyers and sellers of the currency were able to rely on a given rate
of exchange in which to carry out their transactions
those trading or borrowing money in dollars, this removed a
potential source of anxiety
disadvantage
the Thai central bank was obliged to make sure that the exchange
rate would stay fixed
if the value of the bath was under threat, the central bank was
compelled to defend it even at very high costs in terms of foreign
currency reserves.
sentiment of the market — ‘the bath was overvalued’
middle of 1997, the Thai government decided to unpeg the bath from
the dollar and allow it to float
the currency had lost 40 per cent of its value within weeks
― so did investments in Thailand denominated in baths
knock-on effects on the stock-market:
loans taken by Thai companies in foreign currencies simultaneously
became 40 percent more expensive — defaults since people are
unable to repay
many foreign loans had short maturities — normally easily renewed,
but in the crisis conditions of the second half of 1997, lenders
insisted on immediate repayments at the new exchange rates
many firms went bankrupt — including many companies which
otherwise were sound
banks incurred losses on loans to enterprises that were themselves
exposed to exchange rate risk — the entire financial system was
quickly undermined.
investors” confidence in many businesses was undermined — the
Bangkok stock market crashed, losing some 70 percent of its value
to strengthen the economy:
Thai government was forced to accept a 17 billion dollar bailout
from the International Monetary Fund and from other Asian countries
and accept the conditions that always come with such loans —
cutting fiscal spending — tight monetary policy — to control
inflation
propagation throughout the region
spread quickly throughout Southeast Asia
affected exchange rates, corporate debt and stock markets
exchange rates
currencies that were floating fell sharply in value
pegs attached the US dollar were severely tested
all Asia-Pacific dollar pegs were abandoned except for those of the
currencies of China, Vietnam and Hong Kong
stock markets
given the scale of the debts — and the collapse of the domestic
market — even otherwise viable companies would run into trouble
and go bankrupt
stock markets fell sharply throughout the region
2. the
constitution of the economy:
this is where all the stuff on the domestic practices etc belong —
corruption and networks and moral hazards of state guarantees
problems
unclear accounting practices:
banks had been too liberal in their lending policies
had not undertaken the proper checks of borrowers and their projects
lack of regulatory supervision — not always clear why and on what
terms many loans were given
or what counted as a defaulted loan
or when and how a restructuring of non-performing loans — loans
that could not be paid — were to be undertaken
political connections
projects supported not because they were economically feasible, but
because they had the appropriate political backing
moral hazard — government played a part producing a
particular loan — it was always assumed that it would play a part
in repaying it.
implicit understanding rather than a clearly stipulated agreement
as long as the economies of the region grew — and loans were
serviced — none of this mattered — but as soon as companies
began defaulting, investors immediately became nervous.
shortcomings of regulations:
loss of trust from international investors
the transparency and accountability of the regulatory framework
becomes crucial
people want to know what is happening to their money — even if
they are losing, they want to know that they are losing fairly
only regulation — transparency, accountability — can reassure
investors
take money elsewhere — or they will require additional risk
premiums
differences in constitution
Singapore very robust
Thailand very sketchy and informal
3. exposure:
this is where all the stuff blaming the international financial
investors for the crisis goes
Southeast Asia had remained spectacularly successful in attracting
foreign capital throughout the 1990s
annual growth rates of around 6 to 10 percent, it was easy for
Southeast Asian companies to borrow money on international markets
in fact, it was a little bit too easy — e.g.
Thailand — cheaper to borrow money from international than from
domestic banks
exposure to exchange rate risk
the price of loans came to depend on the exchange rate
generally fixed — or “pegged” — against a basked of
currencies — to minimise risk
different degrees of exposure
developmental states
Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia — highly exposed
socialist states — central planning protection remained
Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia — not exposed
predatory states — various monopolistic practices reduced exposure
Burma, Philippines — few international investors had dared to
commit themselves
Indonesia — more of a developmental state in this respect
e.g. Thailand
export dependence — large boom in manufactured products
started in the late 1970s
FDIs from north-east Asia
financial dependence
from 1990-92 — as markets were opening up
net inflow jumped 67% — in one year more than in entire 1980s
seriously increasing exposure to risk
never a problem to borrow money as long as the investments one makes
are productive future profits will help us to service the debt
Thailand mid-1990s:
this was increasingly unlikely to be the case — too much money
around and not a sufficient number of profitable objects of
investment
money went into five-star hotels, country clubs, and condominiums
…
enormous price rises on real estate
the advantages of real estate
work as collateral — sold so that the borrower can recover its
money
the bubble burst
prices of such assets will quickly decline — the collateral will
be worth a lot less ― the banks will never be paid.
asymmetric information:
unsophisticated investors — Thai problems — foreign investors
realise just how poor their understanding was of the economies to
which they were exposed
demand large increases in the risk premia they required on their
investments — they suddenly asked for more of a profit margin in
order to compensate themselves for potential and unforeseen losses
conclusion: differences in the
region
not all countries equally exposed
compare, for example, Singapore and Indonesia
Singapore
initially general scepticism from international investors and
institutions
yet the effectiveness of the regulatory systems overseeing
corporations and financial institutions meant that investors’
confidence quickly returned
Indonesia
scepticism increased with every new revelation regarding financial
and political improprieties
exposure — constitution
Singapore more exposed than Indonesia — in the sense of
sensitivity — but the more robust constitution
when the financial turmoil started, the inherent flaws in
Indonesia”s financial and economic system made the country an
easy victim
reform and restart
a number of reforms were urgently needed
and soon implemented in the countries worse affected
positive results — economic growth has now resumed, albeit not
quite at the same high levels as previously ― 2003: booming car
sales in Thailand!
the drastically reduced exchange rates for all the major currencies
of the region have been very good for exports
makes the region into a more attractive place for tourism
reforms as a reply to the diagnosis of the problems
better regulatory frameworks — clear who is lending money to whom
and on what terms, and it must be obvious what happens if loans are
not properly repaid.
regulation through the market — liberalization of financial
markets — more competition between banks will make sure that only
the best practices survive
allow foreign banks to establish themselves in Southeast Asian
markets would be a good start
Thailand where three major banks so far have been sold to foreign
buyers
relationship between politics and big business
restores at least the semblance of a level playing field
cronyism and monopoly capitalism do not work as developmental
strategies
urgently required in Indonesia, Philippines, but also Thailand