The world used to be a far more interesting place than it is today
Today there is only one kind of entity
the same kinds of institutions
the same functions –
The state is the subject of international relations
How did it happened that the world became so radically simplified?
The nation-state as a European invention
The model spread because of colonialism
Instead: the way decolonization happened
One year ago
UN forces for 7-8 years
2013 removed president with battles between Christian and Muslim groups
state of emergency and human rights violations
Francois Bozize was removed in 2013
three leaders at the ICC
Successful states
Failed states as the dark mirror image
Intermediate position:
Problems for the international system:
Cannot fulfill international obligations
International society tries to help out
“state and nation-building”
the international community doesn’t work very well either
but, there was never a world state, so how could it have failed?
creations of colonialism
during the Cold War
Afghanistan is not a “failed state”
the permanence and ubiquity of the nation-state is a mirage
but only in the 19th did it attain control over the societies it claimed to govern
And creating “nations” was hard work
And even if there was peace at home
the welfare state
Perhaps we should not fix the “failed states”
globalization
Even the state is not about to disappear
The international legal order
alternatives
and we could experiment
cf. Leopold Senghor
objection:
We need different international structures
“colonialism”
Three ways to reclaim colonialism
but it can only work with the consent of the colonized
“Post-colonial studies” — we must revise the received account
Obvious net benefits
Colonized people
Anti-colonial thought ravaged the societies they were supposed to protect
Guinea-Bissau as an example
80 countries became independent after WW2
the false argument of “colonial legacies”
stuck in “protest identities” and grievances
We should reclaim the colonial past
Some people said so at the time:
we need to
privatization
recolonize some areas
the liberal institutions of the colonial state
the biggest problem:
European societies as a whole never made any money on their colonies
but the newly colonized countries
recoup those costs through higher foreign investment
“The tale of Galinhas”
The state-model did not take over the world because it was superior to other models
Alternatives models were discussed, they were rejected as unrealistic
Many in the West worried about a world filled with independent states
The presence of a new generation of nationalist leaders did much to allay these fears
Despite their anti-Western rhetoric, these leaders were all thoroughly Westernized
In “The Black Man’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State,” historian Basil Davidson critically examines the postcolonial trajectory of African nations, particularly scrutinizing the difficulties they face due to the imposition of the European model of the nation-state. Davidson argues that many of the problems confronting African countries—such as ethnic conflict, corruption, and political instability—are inextricably linked to the imposition of this foreign system.
### Key Points:
1. **Historical Context**: Davidson begins by providing a historical background of pre-colonial Africa, emphasizing its complex and multifaceted social, political, and economic systems. He illustrates that these indigenous systems were often more democratic and efficient than generally acknowledged.
2. **Colonial Legacy**: He contends that colonial rule drastically altered the social fabric of African societies. Arbitrary borders were drawn, dividing ethnic communities and lumping diverse groups together, creating tension and conflict that would manifest later.
3. **Imposition of the Nation-State**: Davidson argues that the postcolonial leaders who inherited these artificial states often found themselves trapped in the European model of the nation-state, which was ill-suited to Africa’s complex social and cultural landscape.
4. **Ethnicity and Conflict**: The adoption of the nation-state framework exacerbated ethnic tensions, as it often privileged one ethnic group over others. This led to marginalization, conflict, and in some cases, civil war.
5. **Governance Failures**: The book emphasizes that the failure to adapt governance structures to local conditions and the neglect of indigenous political systems led to weak institutions, corruption, and ineffective governance.
6. **Economic Woes**: Davidson also explores the economic dimensions, stating that the inherited colonial economies—often single-resource-dependent—exacerbated inequality and poverty. The nation-state model failed to address these structural issues.
7. **Crisis of Legitimacy**: The author discusses the ongoing crisis of legitimacy that many African states face, as the imposed nation-state model lacks resonance with large segments of the population, who often feel disconnected from the state apparatus.
8. **Alternative Approaches**: Davidson advocates for a re-examination of indigenous forms of governance and social organization as a possible solution to the curse of the nation-state. He argues that adopting models more in sync with local traditions and needs would be a more effective and legitimate way of governing.
In summary, Basil Davidson’s “The Black Man’s Burden” offers a critical assessment of the challenges facing postcolonial Africa, largely attributing them to the unsuitable imposition of the European model of the nation-state. He calls for a return to, or at least a serious consideration of, indigenous forms of social and political organization as a way to address these challenges.
examines the challenges and shortcomings that newly independent nations face, particularly those in the context of decolonization
Key Points:
1. **National Bourgeoisie’s Lack of Qualities**: Fanon describes the national bourgeoisie as a class that lacks the industrial and economic infrastructure to genuinely build the nation. They have neither the ambition nor the ability to carry out significant economic reforms.
2. **Mimicry of Colonial Systems**: Fanon critiques the bourgeoisie for essentially mimicking the colonial structures instead of dismantling them. They often adopt the language, lifestyle, and attitudes of the former colonial rulers, which does little to alleviate the conditions of the masses.
3. **Economic Dependence**: Despite political independence, these nations remain economically dependent on their former colonizers. Fanon argues that the national bourgeoisie often becomes a “comprador” bourgeoisie, essentially serving as middlemen for foreign capital rather than developing their own industries.
4. **Political Unrest and Factionalism**: The lack of material progress leads to political instability. The bourgeoisie attempts to suppress dissent and often resorts to tribalism and regionalism as a way to divide and rule, echoing the strategies of the colonial past.
5. **Role of Intellectuals and Masses**: Fanon calls on the intelligentsia to align themselves with the broader masses rather than the bourgeoisie. He argues that only a radical break with the bourgeoisie and an alignment with the real forces of production (i.e., the working class and peasantry) can bring about genuine national consciousness and development.
6. **Failure to Transform Consciousness**: Fanon laments the failure to replace the colonial mindset with a new form of national consciousness that is constructive and forward-looking. This, he argues, is essential for real independence and development.
7. **Call for Radical Transformation**: Fanon’s ultimate point is that independence is not an end but a beginning. For a nation to truly rise from the wretched conditions left by colonization, there needs to be a radical transformation in economic structures and national consciousness, away from mimicry and towards authentic development.
In “The Beginner’s Guide to Nation-Building,” written by James Dobbins and published in 2007, the author provides a comprehensive guide to the practice of nation-building, focusing particularly on the post-conflict reconstruction efforts led or assisted by external powers. Dobbins draws on a variety of case studies and empirical evidence to provide a pragmatic framework for how to approach the complex task of rebuilding a nation after conflict or regime change.
1. **Defining Nation-Building**: Dobbins starts by clarifying what nation-building entails, describing it as a broad spectrum of activities ranging from restoring order, rebuilding institutions, delivering humanitarian aid, to promoting governance and development.
2. **Case Studies and Lessons**: He incorporates historical and contemporary case studies, such as Germany and Japan after WWII, as well as more recent efforts in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq, to derive best practices and lessons learned.
3. **Phased Approach**: Dobbins advocates for a phased approach that starts with restoring security and ensuring basic human needs. He argues that without a stable security environment, other tasks such as governance reform, economic development, and building civil society cannot be effective.
4. **Local Ownership**: Emphasizing the importance of local participation and ownership, Dobbins cautions against imposing external solutions. He argues that the legitimacy and effectiveness of reconstruction efforts are substantially higher when the local populace is engaged in the process.
5. **Resource Commitment**: Dobbins stresses the need for adequate resource allocation, both in terms of manpower and financial resources, to achieve long-term objectives. He notes that under-resourcing nation-building efforts can lead to failure and may necessitate even greater commitments in the future.
6. **Time Factor**: The author points out that nation-building is a long-term commitment and warns against expecting quick results. He indicates that effective nation-building requires sustained efforts over many years, if not decades.
7. **Multilateralism**: Finally, Dobbins recommends international or multilateral involvement to share the burdens and responsibilities. Such partnerships can bring in more resources, as well as greater legitimacy to the nation-building process.
In summary, James Dobbins’ “The Beginner’s Guide to Nation-Building” serves as a practical handbook for policymakers and practitioners involved in post-conflict reconstruction. It consolidates historical experiences and contemporary challenges to offer a structured approach to nation-building, stressing the importance of a phased strategy, adequate resources, local ownership, and multilateral cooperation for successful outcomes.